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Being a huge Chalmers fan, one of the things I love the most about him is his vision, his idealism.  He longed for the Christianization of Scotland.  He wanted the Lord’s will done on earth as it is in heaven.  And he worked for it, being a wise and faithful steward.

He had reason to be hopeful.  The Bible gives great promises about the success of the Gospel among the nations.  The leaven will leaven the lump.  The small mustard seed will grow into a great tree, the glorious refuge for the fowl of the heavens.

And yet, as I read critical historians on Chalmers and others sympathetic with him (most recently, I’ve been reading up on Thornwell and Smyth in the antebellum South), I am reminded that our hopes must never morph into our Messiah.  Promises are one thing.  But we need to give ear to other portions of biblical revelation that qualify how those promises will work out in this world.  Prior to the return of Christ on the clouds, there will be no Christian utopia.  History can have a brutal way of giving us a reality check.  Chalmers had hopes for Scotland, but they were disappointed.  So with Thornwell and with Smyth for the American South.  Heaven on earth is ever elusive; and though it comes close, it is at the same time just beyond reach.  Frustratingly so.

But lest our hopes of a better day for Christianity in the West be dashed to the ground, we need the reality check of the Scriptures.  Jesus also said that in the world we shall have tribulation.   The love of many will wax cold.  The tares must remain with the wheat.  We must suffer with him, and then on the day of Christ we will be glorified.

That shouldn’t mean we must be resigned to pessimism.  Or that we shouldn’t hold out ideals – even concrete ones – and vigorously strive after them.  I long to see once again what Wells called ‘the delicious paradise’ of New England Puritan community; and I’m convinced I have a mandate to drive me and a (general) promise to encourage.

But may it never become my Jesus.  May I ever learn to say with Him, not my will, but thine be done.  May I learn to be patient.  And may I ever lay up treasures in heaven where moth and rust do not corrupt, where thieves do not break through or steal.  Because even if Rhode Island becomes Christianized, it will still remain a part of this age.  And the fashion of this age is fading away.

The now and the not yet is a biblical tension.  So it is not surpising that we feel the strain now.  We are caught in the middle.  Our strain in this world may find partial relief, here and there.  But “that which is perfect” must wait for another day.

Even so, come, come quickly, Lord Jesus.

Picture of a Celtic Cross, Lindisfarne, Northumberland (www.freefoto.com)

This is a third installment of my review of the fascinating work, P. D. Thompson’s Parish & Parish Church. If you’re interested in the history of Christian missions and of the parish plan and are just joining us, click here to read the first.

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In chapters 5 & 6, Thompson moves from Gaul to Britain. It is here that we are introduced to the parish systems most familiar to us in the English-speaking world.

Chapter 6, “The English Parish”

Six features marked the rise of the English parish system. First, it was patterned after previous work on the continent, and especially Gaul. The ‘Mother-Church’ models of Jerusalem and Antioch were thus transplanted indirectly. “When Augustine with his forty missionary monks landed in England in 596, effected their settlement around the Mother-Church at Canterbury and stared from that point to evangelize the whole land, he was of course familiar with the organization of the Church on the Continent, and set about shaping the Anglo-Saxon Church on the same lines” (56).

Second, the movement was from the greater to the smaller. Ecclesiastical units at first were more like ‘dioceses,’ broad unsubdued territories; yet with time, these territories were subdivided into smaller units as the Gospel prospered. They became more defined and emerged as parishes in the popular sense. In Venerable Bede’s time (c. 672–735), says Thompson, “the Church was organized only on the broadest and simplest lines, and nothing in the nature of parish or parish church had begun even tentatively to emerge” (63).

Third, as on the continent, management was carried on by hierarchical superintendence. Thompson writes:

The plan was that Augustine himself should be the primate of the whole country; that there should be two provinces, a southern and a northern; that he should ordain for his own province twelve bishops, with London as the metropolitan see; that he should consecrate another bishop and station him at York, who, when he had evangelized York and the surrounding territory, should thereupon ordain twelve bishops for this northern province with himself as metropolitan (56).

It is lamentable, I think, that the early Medieval Church did not distinguish the things that differ. The first Mother-Churches in Acts may have taken over patterns of civil organization for administration and witness, as we’ve seen in the first installment. The parish system, I contend, is a natural development of that. They also clearly furnished the early Church with directions for the selection of the orders of presbyter and deacon. But they left neither precedent nor precept for the selection of new apostles and sub-apostolic deputies. This is more than suggestive that the hierarchical model of the apostolic times was discontinued. Augustine surely couldn’t furnish the authenticating “signs of an apostle.”

That being said, I don’t think that there is anything wrong with a temporary superintendence in mission strategy. The Mother-Church model is a good one. But once the daughter churches become fully mature and self-sustaining, they should be raised to parity with the Mother-Church – her officers included. Really, the embassies sent from the Mother-Church should be fellow presbyters. If the missionaries begin collegially with the presbyters of the sending church, they will remain collegial.

Yet, there are two things in Augustine’s policy that I really like. First is his territorialism. England is the claim of the Heir of all things. Really, we’ve got to remember that the parish system is simply a version, or perhaps more properly, a later stage of territorialism. With Augustine, the broad lines were drawn; subdivisions would come with time. Second, one cannot help but admire his aggressiveness. Dividing is merely preparative for efficient conquering. And this faithful army of Christ left Canterbury with the sword of the Spirit, subduing unruly hearts by the preached Word. While I demur at his episcopacy, I praise his ferocity.

The fourth feature was itinerant preaching a key strategy. The matrices were the headquarters from which the preachers were deployed. Bede wrote to Egbert, the newly appointed Archbishop of York (735) and possibly a former student of his, suggesting

that he should follow the example of Paul and Barnabas, who, wherever they went, as soon as they entered cities or synagogues, preached the word of God. ‘This is the work, he went on, ‘to which you are called and for which you were consecrated. And this you will do if, wherever you go, you collect around you the inhabitants of the place and deliver to them the word of exhortation, and also, as a leader in the heavenly warfare, with all who come with you, set them an example of good living. And since the places which belong to the government of your diocese occupy too wide a space to enable you alone to go through them all and preach the Word of God in the smaller villages and hamlets, even in the course of the whole year, it is necessary that you should associate with yourself many helpers in this holy work, by appointing priests and teachers to go through all the villages, constantly preaching the Word of God and consecrating the heavenly mysteries, and especially administering the office of holy baptism, as opportunity may be found’ (61-62).

Venerabe BedeIncidentally, I do think that while gathering the village for preaching is a standard approach in itinerant ministry, it is not inapplicable in the ‘settled’ phase. Gathering in a narrowly defined ‘parish’ in the standard sense is the continual obligation of the ministry. That is why there is visitation. Visitation is for gathering, and gathering is for preaching. Robert Murray M’Cheyne, a devout parish minister in the 19th century, would make his rounds in house-to-house visitation and call on the people to attend some preaching in the open air.

Fifth, just as in Gaul, godly kings and wealthy lay patrons facilitated the progress. Once Constantine adopted and patronized Christianity, the Mother-Church model in Europe was conjoined with establishmentarianism. Medieval England boasted of many large-hearted, royal patrons of the Church: Ethelbert, King of Kent (c. 560 – 616), Alcuin of York (c. 735 – 804), the friend of Charlemagne, Alfred (c. 849 –  c. 899), Athelstan (c. 895 – 939), Edgar (959-75), and Cnut the Dane (1018-35). Among the many initiatives were – like Charlemagne in Gaul – the admonition and later the legal imposition of tithes for the maintenance of the ministry. Thompson comments on the last mentioned of these rulers:

Cnut in particular, who in his later years was a wise and devout ruler, and whose code of laws was even more elaborate than that of Alfred the Great, did much to strengthen and extend the Church both by legislation and by personal example. Among other enactments he restored the law of Edgar in favour of local churches with burial-grounds, and gave notice that if plough-alms, tithes, and other statutory dues payable to the Church were in arrears, the laws concerning them would be strictly enforced by him against defaulters (66).

Once again, we see kings greatly advancing the work of Christ. One is reminded of Rev. 12:16, a text that Thomas Chalmers quoted to defend establishments of Christianity, “And the earth helped the woman, and the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed up the flood which the dragon cast out of his mouth.” Praise God for those noble ones whom He calls to Himself and whose authority and resources are employed to Christ’s honor. And for those separation-of-church-and-staters out there, aren’t these men to be praised for their willing patronage of the Church? Won’t Christ honor their cup of cold water at the last day?

Further, since the very genesis of Christianity, God used wealthy landowners. So too in Medieval England:

The greater landowners in particular would feel it to be due to their position, as well as necessary for the religious welfare of their people, to have a church and resident chaplain of their own. The district assigned to such a church would naturally coincide with the boundaries of the estate whose people it was intended to serve. That many such districts, each with its church and chaplain, came into existence, is to be inferred from the fact that they were given a name of their own. This name was the ‘priestshire,’ to distinguish it from the ‘bishopshire’ or diocese of the bishop. ‘The priestshire’ was the Anglo-Saxon counterpart, at least in embryo, of the parish already widely established on the Continent (66).

In time, these wealthy landowners helped tip the scales away from Mother-Church dominance, so facilitating decentralization (the sixth feature, below). It is interesting in this connection to observe that the English parish system is at least in part a byproduct of the feudal structure of medieval society.

This also helps shed some light on the controversial issue patronage in the Church of Scotland from the Revolution Settlement on. The early and medieval Church grew in part because of wealthy, benevolent patrons, and this system remained in place through the Reformation. The controversy largely arose when the happy arrangement degenerated through corruption.

Last, hardships temporarily slowed the progress of the Gospel and consequently the development of the parish system. These were largely on account of the Norman invasions, beginning in 792. Alfred arose to stave off the invaders, becoming a national hero, and established a peace in which “the organization of the Church proceeded apace” (64). Yet before Alfred’s success, the hardships actually served to scatter the Gospel seed more broadly, and the blood of the martyrs enriched the soil. So really, these struggles actually hastened the establishment of the parish system. Its progress is, as we have seen previously, retarded when the Mother-Churches hold the reins too close. It is furthered when healthy decentralization occurs.

This, then, is the sixth feature of the rise of the English parish system – a decentralizing phase after the settlement of Christianity. Actually we might say, the parish system was not simply the result of decentralization, but of recentralization. Or, if you like, a movement from mono- to multi-centrism. A center of evangelism produces several centers of evangelism, and so on.

Two observations on this last point. I wonder if this fact may partially explain why modern society is not conducive to the parish system – in addition to Enlightenment freethinking and plain ol’ original sin, that is! During the Medieval time period, society was heavily agricultural. There were many more geographic centers in society, because you had feudal lords dotting the map of Christian Europe. The peasants became vassals to these lords, and so were geographically oriented to these many centers. They were near their benefactors. Because they could not finance the ministry, the wealthy lords would. And obviously, they viewed their sphere of responsibility delimited by the boundaries of their lands. The feudal system, however, began to break down as the medieval period shifted to the Modern. Cities grew. And of course the Industrial Revolution only accelerated that shift away from the field. Consequently, the wealthy patrons were disconnected geographically from the lower orders of society. We still see that geographical divide between the haves and the have-nots in our modern urban contexts. There is no geographic center of philanthropy, physical or spiritual. I’m sure the rise of the middle class also had something to do with this, in addition to a myriad of other factors. But I’m just (possibly) catching hold of this one!

It also seems that the Reformation perfected the parish system. By leaving the parish system intact, the Reformers merely recognized and confirmed the preexisting multi-central character of the catholic Church. What it threw off was the ghastly monocentrism of Rome.

Chapter 7, “The Scottish Parish”

While the rise of the parish system in Scotland bears analogies to its predecessors, it significantly differed from them in several ways.

First, though the introduction of the Gospel in Scotland was more or less coeval with that of England, yet the parish system emerged significantly later there than in England. A major factor is that the Celtic missionaries, Columba and his associates, were uninfluenced by Roman preeminence.

The Celtic Church instead had a somewhat different missionary plan. They did operate out of ‘Mother-Churches,’ Iona and Lindisfarne, but they were monastic. They also sent out itinerant missionaries, yet, “their missions were directed not along diocesan or parochial, but along tribal, lines, and resulted not in the formation of congregations or organized Christian communities but rather in ‘cells’ or ‘colonies,’ which were centers of evangelizing and educational influence within the tribal areas to which they ministered” (70-71).

Though it was profoundly successful, the Columban mission was “weak in organization, and did not always succeed in consolidating the ground it had so gallantly won” (75). The Anglo-Roman mission from Canterbury in time supplanted it, that model becoming ascendant in Scotland by the mid-12th century. It was really at that point that the emergence of a full-fledged parochial system began.

Another distinct feature in Scotland was its development towards a national Church. Under Kenneth McAlpin, who reigned from 844-860, the Church emerged as the Ecclesia Scoticana. It was “coterminous with the nation, and was intended to embody and express the national life on its religious side” (78). Further, it was free and independent. “Like its predecessor, the Columban Church, Ecclesia Scoticana was willing to be on friendly terms with Rome or Canterbury or any other Christian communion; but it acknowledged allegiance or subjection to none” (78).

Queen Margaret and her son King David in the 12th century furthered the process of Romanizing the Scottish Church. Margaret gave grants of land in Scotland to Norman and Saxon courtiers, moving the nation towards feudalism. Writing of these expatriates, Thompson indicates that

Among their other southern ideas and customs they brought with them, both from France and England, the parochial idea which had already taken root and become widespread in these two lands. It was an integral part of their feudal organization, and as such they set about planting it on Scottish soil. As feudal lords they recognized the obligation of providing religious ordinances for their retainers, and dedicated a portion of their lands for this purpose. Practically every such local religious foundation became in course of time a parish church, with its parish co-extensive with the boundaries of the estate, so that with the appearance of these pious donors parishes in embryo began to spring up all over the land (88).

Interestingly enough, the subsequent Scottish royalty that sought to complete the process of Romanization themselves slowed the development of the parish system. By their erecting and enriching a broad network of monasteries, “episcopal and parochial development” suffered (90). Bishops gradually lost immediate oversight in their “own sees,” and local endowments were handed over to enrich monastic orders, which proliferated throughout the land.

It is true that this centralizing, or ‘hoarding,’ tendency was offset by private activity. “Partly by private donations as in the case of Ednam, and partly by the energy of individual bishops, local churches were built and endowed with the usual ploughgate of land. In addition tithes of all produce (Scottice teinds) were enforced by successive kings; and tithes upon personal earning were also exacted and paid, not without resistance in either case” (91-92). Yet, during the 14th and 15th centuries, various factors contributed to the entire breakdown of the ecclesiastical system in Scotland, with the common people suffering the worst for it. Corruption and self-aggrandizement were the rule of the day. The ministry in rural areas was meager, only to be provided sporadically by itinerant friars. Yes, the parish structure just prior to the Reformation owes debt to the Anglo-Romanizing of the Scottish Church. Yet, paradoxically, its top-heavy self-interestedness trampled upon its vitality and potential for good. “The parish with its church was the Cinderella of the Scottish ecclesiastical household” (96). It was, says Thompson, left to the Reformers to “revive and develop the parochial idea, and to make the parish church a power in the land” (97).

sheddwgtBelow are some solid quotes from Shedd’s Pastoral Theology on parochial visitation. It should be observed how much of the old European model he advocates, notwithstanding the American milieu in which he labored.

First, Shedd stipulates that pastors ought to be engaged in personal, ‘door to door’ visitation (as we might say) in his parish.  In addition to being a preacher,

He is a pastor, that is, one whose duty it is to go from house to house, and address men privately, and individually, upon the subject of religion. This kind of labor, as necessarily forms a part of the ministerial service, as preaching (389).

Second, visitation should be habitual and systematic.  “The clergyman should be systematic, in pastoral visiting, regularly performing a certain amount of this labor every week” (391).  He builds on this with several guidelines and suggesting various advantages to the method:

In systematizing this part of his work, the clergyman should fix a day for its performance. Let it uniformly be done on the same day of the week, and in the same part of the day. Again, he should pass around his entire parish within a certain time. This will make it necessary to visit his people by districts, or neighborhoods; and, unless there be a special reason for it, he should not visit in the same locality again, until he has come round to it in full circuit. This course will compel the parishioner, should there be need of a special visit, as in case of sickness, religious anxiety, or affliction, to send for him, in obedience to the apostolic direction, ‘Is any sick among you, let him call for the elders of the church’ (393).

With regard to the length of time to be spent, much depends upon the extent of the parish, and the number of the people. In a parish of ordinary size, one afternoon every week, especially if the ensuing be devoted to preaching in the district or neighborhood, is sufficient, – provided, the pastor makes his visits in the manner which we shall describe under another head. This may seem a short time to devote to parochial visiting; but, if it be systematically and regularly devoted, it is longer than it looks. As, in a previous chapter, we remarked that even five hours of severe, close study, will accomplish a great deal in the way of intellectual culture and sermonizing, in the course of years, so we shall find that a half-day in each week, will accomplish much in the way of parochial labor, in the lapse of time. The clergyman, like every other man, needs to pay special attention to the particulars, of system, and uniformity, in action. Small spaces of time become ample and great, by being regularly and faithfully employed. It is because time is wasted so regularly and uniformly, and not because it is wasted in such large amounts at once, that so much of human life runs to waste. Every one is familiar with the story of the author who composed a voluminous work, in the course of his life, by merely devoting to it the five or ten minutes, which he found he must uniformly wait for his dinner, after having been called.

Besides these advantages upon the side of the clergyman, in systematic visiting, there are others upon the side of the congregation. They will be pleased with their pastor’s business-like method. They will copy his example and become a more punctual and systematic people, both secularly and religiously. They will notice that their pastor is a man who lays out his work, and, what is more, does it, and, what is still more, does it thoroughly. They will respect him for it. They will not crowd him, and urge him, as they will a minister who has no system, and who is therefore always lagging in his work (394-95).

We have advised a systematic visitation of the parish, by districts and neighborhoods. In case the clergyman is settled among an agricultural population, widely scattered, he will find this much the easiest, and surest way to communicate with the whole body of his people. His parish is his diocese, and he is its bishop. Let him make his visitations through the whole length and breadth of it, with the same system and regularity, with which the prelatical bishop makes his annual visitation. The pastor should also imitate the method of the prelate, in another respect, and preach in these districts, in connection with this pastoral calls. If he is settled in a city or town, where the main body of the congregation are within a short distance of the church edifice, his public discourses must be in one place. But, if his lot has been cast among an agricultural people, who are scattered (and this is the kind of parish, in which the majority of clergyman are appointed to labor), he should preach a free, extemporaneous discourse, in the evening of the day of his visitation. Having gone from house to house, in the manner that has been described, let him wind up the earnest work of pastoral visiting, for the week, with a plain and glowing address to the families of the district, assembled at an appointed time. He will find it a most genial and exhilarating service, upon his own part, and a most interesting and profitable one, upon the part of the people. Enforcing, in a common assemblage, all that he has said in the families, and to the individuals, he will clinch the nails which he has been driving (401-402).

Third, and perhaps the most crucial point in demonstrating Shedd’s idealization of the old European model, he does not appear to define the ‘parish’ narrowly as the minister’s communicant congregation:

When, therefore, a parochial call is made, let the pastor plunge in medias sacras res. . . But if [the visited individual] does not voluntarily admit him to personal conversation, in the capacity of a spiritual adviser, then he is obliged to let him do his work faithfully, and well. And even the worldly man is better pleased with this thorough professional dealing, than might be supposed at first sight. Even if, owing to the hardness of the heart and the intensity of the worldliness, the pastor makes no other impression, he will show, beyond dispute, that he is an earnest and sincere watcher for souls, and fisher of men. The parishioner will say to himself: ‘My pastor understands his work, and performs it with fidelity; it will not be his fault, if I continue irreligious.’ It is certain, that this spiritual earnestness and love for the human soul, when thus organized into a regular plan of operations, and systematized into regular uniformity, will produce results. Thoughtless men, finding their pastor upon their trail, coming into their families, and to themselves personally, with a plain and affectionate address upon the subject of religion and nothing else, once in every year or half year, will begin to think of what it all means. They will find themselves in a net-work. They will see that they are caught in a process. Their pastor has laid out his work ahead, for many long years, and, if he lives, and they live, they know that the regular motion of the globe will bring him around to them, once in so often. They will come to some conclusion. They will either submit, and subject themselves to these uniform and persistent influences, or else they will get clear of them altogether. In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, they will do the former thing, and thus the pastor will be instrumental, by his determined parochial fidelity, in bringing into the church, a great number who would otherwise go through life almost Christians, and die unregenerate (400-401).

Clearly, the parish is not simply another term for a congregation in its geographic locality.  The ‘parish’ for Shedd is more of a district out of which the ministry draws a congregation.  The district is his field of Gospel labor.  Some in the district are wheat and some are tares (the mixed congregation);  many are still beneath the  surface as sown seed (the unconverted, non-attenders).

After reading this chapter, I speculate whether it reveals the influence of Thomas Chalmers.  Not only the language, but the ideas are very Chalmersian – defined localities of ministry, a long-term, systematic program of personal visitation of congregants and non-attenders, the power of combined ‘littles,’ together with an enumeration of the efficiencies and practical advantages of the plan.  I haven’t researched it, so it remains just a hunch.  But I do know that others in 19th century America were struck by Chalmers’ vision of the ‘Christian good of Scotland’ and roused by the stories of the St. John’s and West Port Experiments.   Shedd just sounds like Chalmers here.  Or maybe it points to a serious reading of Baxter.  Maybe both!

I’ve recently stumbled across Shedd’s Pastoral Theology . It contains several interesting insights into the theory and practice of Reformed parochialism.  But even more intriguing is the fact that it illustrates the survival and idealization of the old, European ecclesiastical model within the untamed vastness of multi-denominational, disestablished America.  And no, it’s not Roman Catholic or Anglican!

In a couple of installments, I’m going to share some great quotes from this Pastoral Theology and add a few observations.

“We define Pastoral Theology to be, that part of the clerical curriculum which relates to the clergyman’s parochial life. It contemplates him in his more retired capacity, as one who has the care of individual souls. The pastor is a curate, and Pastoral Theology relates to the clergyman’s curacy. These terms, which are not so familiar to the American as to the English ear, if taken in their etymological signification, denote precisely the more private character and duties of the clergyman. They are derived from the Latin curare, to take care of. A curate is one who has the care of souls. The apostle Paul speaks of ‘watching for souls.’ The pastor, or curate, is a watcher for souls” (320-321).

“The Christian minister, by his very vocation, is the sacred man in society. By his very position, he is forbidden to be a secular member of community, and hence he must not be secular, either in his character of his habits. It is true, that the clergy are not a sacred caste, yet they are a sacred profession. Hence, society expects from them a ministerial character and bearing, and respects them just in proportion as they possess and exhibit it. The clergyman is sometimes called the ‘parson.’ Though the word has fallen into disuse, owing to the contemptuous employment of it, by the infidelity of the eighteenth century, its etymology is instructive in this connection. Parson is derived from the Latin persona. The clergyman is the person, by way of emphasis, in his parish. He is the marked and and peculiarly religious man, in the community. His very position and vocation, therefore, make it incumbent upon him to be eminently spiritual. His worldly support is provided by the Church, to whom he ministers, and his acceptance of it is an acknowledgement upon his part, that a secular life is unsuitable for him, and a demand upon their part, that he devote himself entirely to religion, and be an example to the flock” (323-24).

I find it very useful to understand the etymological background of these older terms for ordained ministers, curate and parson. What is more, they tap a pastoral-theological well that is full of rich and relevant truth.

The idea of the minister as the parson or persona of a community reveals a federal dimension to parochialism.  He is the head of a community.  He is in a unique position as what the Puritans would call a ‘publick person.’  He is poised to be the blessing or bane of a social unit whom he represents and whom he is called to serve.  Consequently, the minister as parson functions in a kind of priestly capacity.  He stands for the community to God and for God to the community.  He is, in a sense, the embodiment of Christ, the Great High Priest for others.

The idea of pastor as curate highlights the paternal character of parochialism.  We care for souls under us, a definite number with whom we are bound.  This may be a sub-aspect of the federal aspect.

It is true, the Bible never gives ‘ministers’ or ‘pastors’ the designation of curate or parson.  This is extrabiblical terminology – or maybe we might call it biblical-theological (i.e., thematic) terminology.  It does give them something close, however, such as ‘overseers’ and ‘men of God’; and for that reason, I’m not so skittish about them.  (Although ‘curate’ definitely has a high church ring to it.)

But Protestants, minus the Church of England, rightly rejected the terms of ‘fathers’ and ‘priests’ for those in the ministry.  I speculate that these sacerdotal themes inherent in the Scriptural doctrine of the ministry grew beyond the bounds of all modest, biblical proportion in the development of the Church.  Pastors are paternal figures, yet our Lord warns against calling men ‘father.’  And while they have priestly functions, they are never called priests.  To give them this term in an official capacity is not only to transgress biblical language but to tend in the direction of denigrating the finality of Christ’s priesthood and the universal priesthood of all believers.

That being said, we shouldn’t dismiss priestly concepts from our ministerial thought and practice.  It can very much enrich both. Paul did, Peter did.  And obviously so do did Shedd, a staunch Presbyterian.

All of this is relevant for the ministry in relation to the believing congregation.  But Shedd makes takes another step, which reflects more classical ideas of parochialism.  But we’ll leave that to the next installment!

Go to “More on Shedd & Parochialism”

It has been some time since I put this one on the shelf.  Just getting back to it.  It you’d like to head back and read the first post, click here.

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A Review with Observations on Parish and Parish Church: Their Place and Influence in History, by P. D. Thompson

Part 2

The Shield of CharlemagneIn the previous installment of Parish and Parish Church, we discussed P. D. Thompson’s helpful treatment of the birth and early development of the ecclesiastical parish as a geographical unit for the Church’s administration and witness. This system, so familiar to us in its finished, Medieval and Reformation forms, was embryonically there in the apostolic Church, ‘beginning at Jerusalem.’

In chapter 4, ‘Baptismal- or Mother-Churches,’ Thompson traces this emergence further. Those churches planted throughout the Mediterranean world that reached a level of success and strategic prominence carried the next phase on. These were called matrices or ‘Mother-Churches.’ They served as bases for the centripetal push of the gospel into the regions surrounding them. Jerusalem and Antioch of the first generation became the models for further church administration and outreach in the second. “Each parish was administered by a bishop, with the original Mother-Church as centre, and with a staff of presbyters and deacons to assist him in his central ministry and to prosecute the Christian ministry further afield” (36). That being said, “the mode of administration . . . and the scope of the bishop’s authority and rule, differed in different countries and provinces. In some, as outlying daughter churches came to be planted, rural or itinerant bishops were appointed to minister in them, not, however, with full episcopal powers, but to some extent under the jurisdiction of the bishop of the Mother-Church.” The ‘daughter’ churches spawned by the evangelistic efforts of the ‘mothers’ slowly attained their autonomy. Until that time, the center of gravity was ‘back home.’ There the Lord’s Supper and baptism would be celebrated. Hence, the synonym ‘Baptismal Churches.’

This centralized feature of ‘Mother-Churches’ was in many ways natural and necessary, Thompson observes. “Up to a point it was fitted to promote the interests and welfare of the Church as a whole. At this early stage it was all to the good that there should be one strong central authority, that local congregations should be regarded as simply outposts and extensions of the mission of the Mother-Church, and that their ministers and members alike should be subject to a recognized and uniform discipline.” One can’t help but see here the dynamic of the Jerusalem Church in Acts. The church was one, with a central board of elders (presbyteroi). The collections for the poor were centralized, and the deaconate administered it throughout the house assemblies.

Thompson continues to point out that what eventually occurred – very naturally – was a gradual process of decentralization. As the smaller outposts were formed, they gradually became self-sufficient and self-sustaining. The daughters were growing up, and the mothers let that happen. Here we see three defining features of the parish plan, nascent before, yet coming to maturity here. That is, we observe ecclesiastical reproduction, supervision, and eventual parity. Churches, like mothers, exist to reproduce their kind. Supervision and care is required for a time until their offspring may reach self-sustaining maturity. The end result is two mothers – in total parity. And what is the overarching goal of this ‘being fruitful and multiplying?’ Filling the earth and subduing it, of course!

It seems to me, then, that the Episcopal system of Rome embodies this dynamic, frozen and exaggerated. It is frozen at the point of centralization, failing to proceed to the next phase – healthy decentralization, independence, and a parity of equals. And further, it exaggerates that development to gargantuan proportions.

At the same time, I can easily fit this ‘Mother-Church’ paradigm with my Presbyterianism. There is nothing wrong with centralization and supervision, provided that is but a phase in an ever-recurring missionary impulse towards decentralization, independence, and parity of equals. And, of course, towards Christianization! I am sure this is part of the reason why the Reformers didn’t scrap the parish plan when pursing their agenda.

In short, however, not every second generation ‘Antioch’ followed this healthy pattern. Some went in the Episcopal direction partly by the fault of men. Some bishops exchanged the older “personal and patriarchal” preeminence – the primus inter pares model – for a more “magisterial and princely” one (38). But some of it was much more innocent. “This power came into [the] hands [of the bishop] through the Mother-Church, whose very name explains the reverence and affection in which it was held” (39). Who can fault filial affection (1 Cor. 4:15)? Thompson further explains,

In addition to being the seat of the bishop and the first church to be erected in the episcopal parish, in course of time it became the shrine of hallowed associations. There the first converts to the faith were baptized, and after them their children and children’s children in growing numbers, until family after family both gentle and simple for leagues around had been thus received into the family and household of God. There they presented themselves in due season as candidates for full membership in the Church, received instruction as catechumens, and were admitted to the sacred rite of the Lord’s Supper. And there, in the God’s-acre surrounding the sacred edifice and making it still more sacred, succeeding generations of their dead were laid to rest (39).

Consequently, believers connected with these sacred Bethels freely gave abundant thank-offerings, even leaving legacies of property to them, including “lands and houses” (39). However, while the revenue was dedicated both “by canon law and by bequest” not only to the Mother-Church but also to the daughter churches planted by them, it is not at all surprising that the bishops who presided over such funds should “jealously and tenaciously” preserve such a privilege (40).

Further, that was not the only privilege they enjoyed. By restricting the rite of baptism to the Mother-Church, for instance, they retained privileges touching not only “on the life of the individual,” but also “the family, and the community at every point” (41). And then the Mother-Churches had the privilege holding the festivals such as Christmas and Easter, occasions for further offerings, as well as the exclusive right of burial within its grounds. Obviously, decentralization ran counter to old privilege. One doesn’t decentralize and devolve privileges upon others, unless he is guided by the highest principle and has the true interest of the Kingdom at heart.

But while the structure of temporal and spiritual preeminence was in the building, a counter-movement made alternating progress also. It became known as the parish system. It was a force prior to the fixed and self-aggrandizing system of preeminence and destined to be its reforming counterpart.

In chapter 5, entitled ‘Parishes in the Making,’ Thompson follows the growing parish system under Charlemagne (742-814) in the early Medieval era. It was during this period that particularly in Gaul – modern day France – the features of territorial division and the parity of churches crystallized, a pattern “with which the world has been so familiar” (45).

He begins by explaining that during Charlemagne’s time, three religious foundations existed – the Baptismal-Church, or what then became to be the “cathedral in each principal town” (45), the monastery, which was quite a distinct animal all its own, and a tertium quid. It is with this third kind that Thompson devotes the rest of the chapter, for this is the soil out of which the Medieval parish system grew.

Into this category would fall the many outposts daughter churches of the matrices, the ‘cells’ of the itinerant preaching monks, the chapels erected by wealthy landowners on their properties for the spiritual well being of their peasantry, and the churches built by prosperous townships. “These all differed in origin, but they had one thing in common; they were all subordinate to and almost completely dependent upon the over-ruling religious authorities to which they were attached” (46).

As the churches in this third category multiplied and came to stand on their own two feet, they pressed for greater autonomy and more privilege. And, “as might be expected, this movement … was started and sustained mainly by private and public donors, landowners, and townships, who not only erected chapels or churches at their own expense, but provided endowments for their ministry and maintenance” (46).

This slow process of decentralization and local empowerment, says Thompson, was marked by three stages. First, the ministries in these churches sought official recognition and benefit. One must remember from the review above that “local churches were little more than mission stations, preaching and teaching centers with an itinerant or at best a restricted resident ministry” (47). And as it was with the Word, so it was with the Sacraments. The keys are at the Mother-Church.

The second step was the “delimitation of an area within which this ministry could be exercised, and whose population was placed under the spiritual care and discipline of the priest or chaplain in charge.” That was simply a recognition that the private, landowner-underwritten chaplains, already independent of the Mother-Churches and her bishops, ought to have properly designated spheres of their own.

The third step was to secure the privilege of the purse. The Mother-Churches had all local revenues vested in them. Gifts and legacies might be earmarked for a certain daughter church, but this was not always strictly observed. The bishops, in charge of purse strings, would often “reserve the lion’s share for their own Baptismal-churches or for ecclesiastical purposes in general” (49). Not surprisingly, dependent churches suffered, a sense of injustice on the local scene was felt, and “donors and people alike” sought greater control over their own endowments. At the same time, Medieval townships were growing and becoming more prosperous. They too sought a greater privilege and control of their own resources.

To these factors must be added the capstone effort of Charlemagne to the establishment of the parish system. He was, says Thompson, “deeply concerned to strengthen and extend the influence of the Church, and he set about doing this in a systematic and thorough-going way” (50). His policy was to provide godly, educated ecclesiastical and civil servants throughout his dominions. Consequently, he “started schools in every bishopric and monastery, himself leading the way by establishing a royal school at his own court” (51). And last, he imposed statutory tithes, which had hitherto been voluntary. He decreed that “whether noble or gentle or of lower degree all must give, according to God’s commandment, of their substance and labour to the churches and priests.” This last ordinance greatly improved the collections; but there was much more.

At the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle in 816, the local churches were able to lay claim to greater rights in part by their payment of the statutory tithe. At the Council, laws were enacted to secure for the local churches “a settled ministry, an assured and adequate stipend, an ‘entire manse’ (with garden, glebe, and other appurtenances), a delimited area, and the crowning right of applying local tithes to local religious purposes” (53). Consequently, this Council “went far to lay the foundations of the future parochial system, and to erect the framework of the parish church and parish that were to be.”

A few observations here. First, I am struck by the influence of the laity in the emergence of the parish system. Wealthy, lay patrons were able to counteract the preservers of privilege in the Church and so promoted the Church’s best interests. Sometimes those in office can lose sight of why they are there. And the people – particularly influential and moneyed people – can rein them in. Lay movements are often salutary for the church, and the story of the parish system is in many ways a lay movement within the Church for the Church.

Related to this, I see once again how God can use the prosperous to further the Kingdom of God. I once read that the Countess of Huntington, a wealthy 18th century believer who financed large segments of British evangelicalism, thanked God that the Bible didn’t say “not any,” but “not many noble are called” (1 Cor. 1:26). God calls some privileged individuals and summons them to employ their resources for the Gospel. While the privileged bishops hoarded, many wealthy patrons gave away. And yet they increased (Prov. 11:24)!

And I can also see how reformation can be spurred on by the frustrations of the disenfranchised. Wasn’t that the catalyst for the great Protestant Reformation? Luther was indignant that the money of the hard-working German Church was going to gild St. Peter’s.

Also a few questions on successive history – for anyone who has some light. I notice that Gaul, according to Thompson, was the first to establish the parish system, strengthening local rights and promoting parity among churches. Does this at all, at least in part, explain the tendency of the French Church to advocate Conciliarism and reject the ultramontane claims of Rome?

Also, this chapter sheds some helpful light on the origins of ‘chapels.’ Really, they were from the beginning churches of the people. Now, are chapels, both in their origin and in their successive manifestations, extra-ecclesiastical bodies devised in response to the failure of the institutional Church? And in that sense, are chapels – to use an anachronism – para-church organizations?

Last, it is not surprising that one of Thompson’s main theses in the book is that the parish system is the mother of democracy. I might just ask whether or not the parish system is in a sense its daughter as well, given this particular history.

Here’s a great piece written by Dr. David Apple, Director of Mercy Ministry at Tenth Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia.  For anyone who has had experience trying to show mercy to those whose sin and folly patterns are deep, many of these guidelines will ring quite true. Here’s a link.

The folks at Gospel Coalition have recently put the journal Themelios online.  A truly great resources for Reformed pastors and theologians.

I’d like to recommend one article in particular.  Dr. Keith Ferdinando, an evangelical scholar involved in African missions, deals with the contemporary debate over the definition of Christian ‘mission.’  He persuasively argues that the tendency to ‘inflate’ its traditionally evangelistic meaning is both unhelpful and detrimental to the identity and function of the Church.

Here’s a link to it.

Rain (from www.eontarionow.com)

It struck me recently that the formation of new Christian communities is like the formation of rain in two ways.  First, a droplet cannot form without a microscopic bit of dust in the atmosphere.  Water molecules adhere to and form around them.  So with new parishes.  There must be a center, a nucleus, for disconnected sinners to adhere and to gather around.  That nucleus is the true community-generating word of salvation.  Where it is preached, God gathers His people.  And since that word lives and dwells within us, those most likely to gather around us are those closest to us.  That means our neighborhoods – yours and mine – can be future parish communities.  As God re-forms these communities, people could be walking to church once again.

But there is also another analogy.  Gregory Falkovich of the Weizmann Institute of Science in Israel writes, “Theorists and experimentalists understand this progression, but they cannot agree on how long it takes. When you estimate the typical time you need to grow from micron- to millimeter-sized droplets, it would take maybe ten or fifteen hours, and empirically people noticed that often rain starts long before this–say in half an hour.” So with the re-emergence of Christian communities.  It is a phenomenon shrouded in mystery.  And we may not realize that they are re-emerging until the droplets suddenly form in conversions.

Jesus taught a parable on a similar analogy in Mark 4:26-29.  The Kingdom of God is at work today, renewing and re-forming true communities.  Let us tirelessly work for conversions and for new Christian communities, believing the One who calls those things that are not as though they were (Rom. 4:17).

From flickr.comThomas Chalmers has been widely acclaimed for his views and particularly his applications of social concern. And within the current Reformed world, he is pointed to as an example for modern day ‘mercy ministries.’ Consequently, I’d like in this final commentary on Cheyne’s The Practical and the Pious to turn to the principles of Christian benevolence that Thomas Chalmers advocated – principles that the contributors to this collection of essays have helped me grasp a bit better.

(1) The priority of spiritual benevolence

First, I think Mary Furgol was the most helpful in bringing to the fore the evangelical cast of Chalmers the philanthropist. She demonstrates that Chalmers’ view of social concern meant that one should redress the spiritual needs of the poor ultimately. That is the priority. And so she cites Chalmers, “The main impulse of his [the Christian’s] benevolence, lies in furnishing the poor with the means of enjoying the bread of life which came down from heaven, and in introducing them to the knowledge of these Scriptures which are the power of God unto salvation to every one who believeth” (121).

Chalmers felt obliged to deal with the issues of the body because this was the only effective way to deal with the issues of the soul. And so Furgol observes,

His often clinical approach to poverty and its relief must be seen in the light of his growing conviction that the most important thing was to safeguard the eternal welfare of men’s souls. Having realized that he would not be free to concentrate on this until he had dealt with the problem of poor relief and its interference with a minister’s valuable time, as well as its detrimental effects on the morals and the Christian education of the people, he therefore turned to the task of evolving a specific plan to combat the evil. The main purpose behind the plan, however, was still the religious one of bringing the Good News to the poor, and it is vital to understand this when examining his later solution of the problem of poor relief and assessing its impact and success (128).

I wonder, in this connection, if Chalmers is so neglected in the present day precisely because he was too evangelical for the sociologists and too sociological for the evangelicals. It is a delicate balance to retain an evangelical priority in ministry and yet cultivate a meaningful, active humanitarianism.

At the same time, some within the Reformed world hold Chalmers up as an example for mercy ministries.  Yet some seem to coordinate ‘word’ with ‘deed,’ shifting the center of gravity from the preaching of the cross to a middle position.  From my reading, I don’t think Chalmers would have gone there.

That being said, perhaps the ‘mercy ministry’ movement in Reformed Christianity is only seeking to correct the excessive other-worldliness of 20th century fundamentalism that retreated from social action, scared silly by the Social Gospel. That is laudable. I only hope that the pendulum is not rushing past the golden mean.

(2) The focus on locality

If you have read this blog with any frequency, you will certainly recognize the following theme resurfacing here – locality. As any realtors worth their salt (if there are any left) will tell you, the three things that make a property desirable are: location, location and … location. Well, Chalmers never wearied of beating this same drum as well. Locality is vital to the enterprise of Christian benevolence.

For Chalmers, this simply meant that those who would bring the Gospel in word and deed to the poor must to be brought into regular contact with them. Locally. If they do not live in the area, they must regularly visit the area. But even prior to this, that area must first be defined and then assigned to certain benefactors. Without definition, there is no clear locus for intelligent compassion. The vastness of the problem will be daunting without a manageable, delineated territory. But once the areas are defined and parceled up, they must be allocated. An unassigned locality is just an abstraction. Its plight will have no real pull. But once it is assigned – or adopted, if you will – then the spiritually and economically privileged will have a tie to it, a workable plot of their own to cultivate. The rich and poor will be brought together in the locality of the poor, and the results should be evident in time. Multiply this thousands of times over across a nation, and you have Chalmers’ model for dealing with poverty. It is a grassroots solution.

McCaffrey comments on this, as well as on the influence of Chalmers’ locality principle:

Chalmers’ insistence on the need to reform the individual first in the locality, as the means to reforming society in general, continued to be remarkably vibrant in its appeal in both Britain and the United States. In both countries he found a ready audience in those reformers who sought the good society and who were increasingly chary of leaving its realization to the chance workings of unrestrained lasseiz-faire capitalism on the one hand or too extensive a state-imposed regulation on the other (53).

As I reflect on it, there is no question that the locality principle, bringing the benefactors into regular contact with the beneficiaries, goes against the grain of the urban situation. Cities are notorious for the evil of anonymity. Sin likes darkness; it retreats from community especially if community is viewed as an old socio-religious ball and chain that holds people accountable. Now, that is not to suggest that people always migrate to cities for sin. (Though I don’t think that 1 in 3 San Franciscans are gay because their gene pool is different.) Frequently, there are economic pressures that call individuals from field to factory. That is the way it was in Industrial Age Scotland; that is the way it is in 21st century China. But the reality is that cities not only afford more economic opportunity: they also facilitate sin. Sin loves options and hates the Sartre stare.

That’s not the only reason why the locality principle doesn’t easily fit with the urban context. There is also the socio-economic stratification of cities. Today, we call this ‘white flight.’ I’m not sure all of that is bad. People want to raise their children in peace and safety. Many who live in the slums aspire to get out. But it is a reality – almost a law. Distance between the privileged and the underprivileged just happens. Government has tried to change that, as with busing; but it never sticks. I would suggest that North American inner cities have become a kind of de facto social waste confinement area. We retreat from the problem and thus the Welfare State cannot but step in. Otherwise, there will be social unrest.

Yet, while the locality principle is like the syrup of ipecac to the city’s culture, it is medicine that must be swallowed. The spiritually and outwardly privileged must be brought into contact with the spiritually and outwardly underprivileged. And it won’t happen by some government program. It must happen through an army of volunteers. Volunteers who will bridge the geographic divide into needy localities.

Incidentally, the old scheme of parish visitation was built on the locality principle. One cannot care some someone that he doesn’t see, with whom he does not come into contact. And that visitation must be regular if it is to be meaningful.

(3) Voluntary relief

For Chalmers, the cure of ‘pauperism’ – the 19th century term for dependency on the state – lies in a voluntary program. He firmly believed that involuntary schemes (state programs) are doomed to failure for four reasons, according to Checkland:

First, people become systematically trained to expect relief as a right, thereby destroying the connection which nature has established between economy and independence and between improvidence and want. Second, neighbours and kindred of the poor lose their private sympathies and abstain from providing relief. Third, as the number of poor increases they will be less comfortably relieved, since the allowance per pauper tends to decrease. Fourth, an artificial system tends to be wasteful, both in terms of increased expenditure on paupers caused by their demands for relief as a legal right and by the increase in the number of individuals needed to administer relief. It was Chalmers’ belief that every extension of the poor’s fund is followed by a more than proportional increase of pauperism, and he contended that there should be no compulsory assessment, no certainty on the part of the poor that they would obtain relief, and no possibility of the numbers in receipt of relief being infinitely augmented (131).

And Hilton supplements this evaluation of Chalmers’ thought here, explaining, “State poor laws and organized charity transformed beneficence from a thing of ‘love’ and ‘gratulation’ to a subject of resentment on the part of the rich, dependence on the part of the poor, and ‘angry litigation’ between the two” (146). Leaving the old voluntary model is a recipe for class wars.

(4) Education

Next, education is absolutely vital. Writes Checkland, “He believed that education was the fundamental need of the lower orders, transcending in importance and, indeed, canceling out the need for most poor relief” (131). Since the Reformation under John Knox, education had been of paramount importance in Scotland. It was no different for Chalmers. Education furnishes the key for the self-improvement of the poor. Time and money are better spent in providing this form of benevolence.

This is why Chalmers was such an advocate of ‘Sabbath’ or ‘Sunday Schools.’ In their origin, they were not Bible classes for the young of middle-class churches as they are today. They were the only forms of education that many poor people had at all in those days. Sunday Schools were very much agencies of benevolence.

(5) Intelligent benevolence

Which leads us to the distribution of monetary benevolence. Obviously, education is a long-term investment, and some people require immediate help. Chalmers’ response was to lay down certain guidelines, which he both followed and instilled within his diaconate at St. John’s.

Furgol enumerates these guidelines in a survey of his diary entries:

These entries reveal how Chalmers was striving to put into practice his convictions that people should be encouraged to be as independent as possible, that if relief were given it should be minimal, and that is must at all costs be made obvious that no regular official relief system could be automatically depended on in the event of a simple plea for help. Moreover, a letter written to William Johnson of Lathisk at this time reveals two more aspects of his ideas being put into practice: that friends and relatives should be called upon to respond in a spirit of Christian charity, and that any relief given should only be in cases of extreme and deserving want (124).

Dare we call this ‘compassionate conservatism?’

On this basis, some have strongly criticized Chalmers for idealizing a cold, clinical brand of philanthropy. Cheyne writes in his introduction that the strongest criticism that has been made was “a strange heartlessness [that] underlay the treatment of poverty worked out by Chalmers and his supporters” (20). Nor was Chalmers without his critics during his own lifetime. William Pulteney Alison opposed Chalmers’ dogged adherence to strict voluntary relief. He even critiqued the St. John’s model as dealing harshly with the poor under the guise of Christian stewardship. And so Checkland quotes Alison, “The grand object kept in view by almost every parish is the possibility of evading the duty of relieving the poor” (133). Ouch!

Now, it is hard for me to evaluate the degree of truthfulness in these criticisms. Was there a knee-jerk reaction to open-handed benevolence in extreme fears of giving to the ‘undeserving?’ Did they err on the side of thrift and not on the side of liberality? I wouldn’t be surprised if it was the case. And if so, was there some degree of discontinuity between the proverbial Scottish benevolence before Chalmers and that of Chalmers’ more business-like social experiments? And was it called for, given the great demographic shifts from the rural areas to bustling cities?

Concluding thoughts

Having been reared in evangelicalism, I often heard that the concern for our nation’s poor is the responsibility of the Church. The Welfare State exists because we won’t feed the poor. And prior to my own study of Chalmers, I was under the impression that the St. John’s experiment – what little I knew of it – was proof that Chalmers thought it was. But now I’m not so sure.

The following is a thesis that needs confirmation, so I put if forth tentatively. But certain things seem to be emerging as I read him for myself.

I think Chalmers thought that it was the concern of the state to make sure that all its citizens were cared for, physically and spiritually. Those in government are fathers. Citizens are children. The state ought to seek out a Church and finance it for the spiritual instruction of its people, much as a wealthy aristocrat would hire a tutor for his son [see my essay on Chalmers and establishments].

Being a believer in liberal economics, the best way to care for the people, generally speaking, is to avoid interference in the marketplace. But what of the poor, the victims of the unfeeling free market? The state has a duty to care for them as well. Only, this is not to be done by legal assessments (i.e., legislated ‘wealth reallocation’). It should be left voluntary, on the lines of the old Scottish model.

But the state should support the poor by supporting the Church of the poor – the establishment, which is first of all the spiritual instructor of the people. By subsidizing a religious establishment, lives are changed. Drunkards are sobered, prostitutes are made chaste, thieves go to work, and spendthrifts turn frugal. That is how the state may and ought to care for the poor, Chalmers contends.

But further, the state ought to aid the poor by providing for universal education. The spiritual education of the established Kirk is the first and most important prong of that agenda. But the second is not far behind. Education is the key to self-improvement, and consequently, the improvement of the nation. ‘Give a man a fish, and you have fed him for a day: teach a man to fish, and you have fed him for a lifetime.’

Yet, Chalmers wasn’t blind to the fact that the state has to do more for the poor than providing spiritual and secular education. The state cannot say, ‘be ye warmed and filled,’ yet do nothing immediately for the hungry. It should not leave the poor altogether to the whim of, well, whoever. Rather, it should take an active role in encouraging and facilitating neighborly benevolence, particularly the benevolence of the wealthy.

This is best and most efficiently done through the mechanism of the established Kirk. The Kirk, after all, operates territorially and already competently cares for the poor of its own number. The Kirk performs this care best because it operates on the soberest principles. “If a man will not work, let him not eat.” The Kirk already has assumed the spiritual care, the cura animarum, of the people, and the state only acknowledges that reality, honoring it in a pecuniary way. She also cares for the body of the unchurched throughout its parishes since love comprehends the whole man, body as well as soul. Why not, then, outsource ‘welfare’ to her? If I am not mistaken, that is exactly how Chalmers sought municipal cooperation in the St. John’s experiment of Glasgow.

If this is Chalmers’ view of the role of the Church and the care of the poor, then he obviously thinks it is a responsibility of the Church when and only when the state explicitly contracts with her. It happens when she enters into a partnership with the state as a religious establishment. Before that, the state does not recognize the Church. She is not chosen to care for the souls of a nation’s citizens or their bodies, for that matter. She has no special obligation to the poor, other than the law of love to one’s neighbor.

If I am right on my assessment of Chalmers, and if Chalmers is right (and, surprise of surprises, I lean that direction), then we as an organized Church have no special responsibility for the poor. We have no formal authorization, because the state wishes to retain management of this beast directly.

Yet, I am hardly suggesting that the Church has no responsibility for the nation’s poor, or that Chalmers thought that unestablished Churches may wash their hands of this great civic duty.

Generally speaking, I wonder if it is not so much the obligation of the Church qua Church to care for the nation’s poor as it is the duty of the nation, which comprises also the Church. The care for the poor is our duty not as the Church, but as citizens. And, of course, our Christian principles all the more compel us to our neighborly duties. It is not the Church’s problem per se. But it is the Christian citizens’ problem, collectively with the rest of the nation.

This is a collective problem. We as Christians are called to “seek the peace of the city” where He has placed us in our earthly exile, and to “pray unto the LORD for it: for in the peace thereof shall [we] have peace” (Jer. 29:7). We are Christians first, yes. But we are also citizens of an earthly order. I am a citizen of Rhode Island. Our prison system has swelled to an overflow. Our unemployment rate is the highest of any state in the nation. This is not someone else’s problem. This is my problem, because I am a citizen of Rhode Island. It is not the Church’s problem, directly. Yet it is the Church’s problem, insofar as the Church in secular matters holds it citizenship on earth.

Very practically, I think that what we have before us is an opportunity for volunteers. The state will not ask us to educate its people in the truths of Christianity. Nor will it ask us to care for their bodies (except on April 14). Yet it presently will not interfere with us if we choose to volunteer.

That we volunteer to care for souls is just another way of describing evangelism. But volunteering for social improvement beyond the community of faith can be sticky. The ministry of the Church should not “leave the word of God, and serve tables” (Acts 6:2). And while we must “do good unto all men,” we are “especially” to do so for “the household of faith” (Gal. 6:10). Let us not forget that one great apologetic argument for the authenticity of our faith is the love that Christians have for each other (Jn. 13:35).

Yet to some degree and in a very tangible way there must be concern for our neighbor. He has a body, and not just a soul. So let us follow Chalmers as he followed our Lord, “who went about doing good” (Acts 10:38).

Bust of Thomas ChalmersThe Practical and the Pious – 2
Chalmers the Manager: Lessons in Christian Leadership

In the first part of my review of A. C. Cheyne’s collected essays, The Practical and the Pious: Essays on Thomas Chalmers (1780-1847), we observed the way in which Thomas Chalmers was great Christian bridge builder in his day. He sought to connect the teaching of Scripture and the best traditions of the Christian past to the then-present issues. He sought to obey the Kingdom mandate to the best of his abilities and leaves us to follow the path he pioneered for His and our Lord.

In this second installment, I would like to turn to another theme that emerged for me as I read these essays. Chalmers, in addition to being – or at least striving to be – a bridge builder, was a great administrator. Our ‘practical pietist’ was a churchman, and as a churchman he managed – impressively.

First, Chalmers was a great administrator because he was a man of vision. As a manager, one must have a clear, well-defined purpose. Otherwise, both the manager and the managed will be directionless. And if you aim at nothing, you are sure to hit it, as they say.

His great ambition was the ‘Christian good of Scotland.’ The land must be Christianized.  Everything else was subordinate to this – even the established Kirk. Sefton quotes Chalmers,

I have no veneration for the Church of Scotland merely quasi an Establishment, but I have the utmost veneration for it quasi an instrument of Christian good; and I do think, that with the means and resources of an Establishment she can do more, and does more, for the religious interests of Scotland than is done by the activity of all the Dissenters put together. I think it a high object to uphold the Church of Scotland, but only because of its subserviency to the still higher object of upholding the Christianity of our land (169).

Chalmers inspired others with this vision of a Scotland thoroughly leavened with the Gospel.

But he wasn’t a great administrator because he had vision. One can be a visionary and yet very impractical. Chalmers embodied both vision and practicality – a potent combination. Everything Chalmers said and did was really a strategy to reach the great end of Christianizing Scotland.

The locality principle that he tirelessly advocated was but a strategy, a means to an end. This principle, as I have explained elsewhere, is that the church should spearhead evangelistic efforts geographically, focusing on defined territories with regular district visitations. Only through habitual cultivation of these areas by ‘territorial ministers’ would true Christian communities reemerge in the new urban context; only through this method – wrought in the aggregate – would the land be permeated with the Gospel.

The Church Extension campaign of the 1830s was yet another strategy. The Church of Scotland, in order to Christianize the burgeoning, unchurched population of the major cities, desperately needed to finance new church buildings and ministers. Chalmers took over the convenorship of the committee and, through his fundraising efforts, was able to witness the erection of more than 200 new church buildings. And all for the Christianizing of Scotland.

Interestingly, this strategy was complementary of the territorial principle. Sefton writes, “The enterprise was concerned not only with the building of new churches but also with the vicinity for whose good the new church was intended. The object was to provide a church near enough and with seat rents low enough to benefit the families by whom it was surrounded” (169, emphasis mine). Chalmers made sure that the program was efficient by making it conform to the territorial principle. The strategies were synergistic. Not a territory without a meeting place, or a meeting place without a territory.

Church establishments comprised another prong of Chalmers’ strategy. We’ve already seen in the quote above that he only viewed them as efficient instruments for the promotion of Christian good. They exist to facilitate territorial church extension (see my essay on Chalmers on establishments). Since the days of Constantine, the goal of establishments is “not to extend Christianity into ulterior spaces but thoroughly to fill up the space that had been already occupied” (168). Specifically, then, an establishment is a “universal home mission.” That is, it is a structure that exists for the further Christianization of a land where the Gospel has already gained a footing. It is phase 2 in the mission program. It is what the army does after taking Normandy.

These profound quotes further nuance my concept of establishments and the territorial principle. The latter is always a strategy that the church can and should employ. The Gospel has always come to districts and territories, and it always comes to put the standard up for Jesus, who speaks for every land, saying, ‘Mine!’ Yet, the principle is applied with lesser openness and focus during times of persecution and more breadth when the church hasn’t taken firm footing in a region.

One cannot implement the parish principle in Muslim countries, with a territorial minister going door to door as M’Cheyne in Dundee or Bonar in Finnieston. Yet, cells of believers can and do still influence their communities. True, they cannot be as open and must even pay for their successes with their blood. Omaha Beach was taken, yet at a high price. But it is worth it. And the territorial principle can be applied when missionaries are first introducing the Gospel into a region; only, the strategy is usually to work more broadly without narrowed reference to fixed districts until nuclei of converts develop. Churches are then formed, which become centers for saturating communities.

And establishments, as I am beginning to see, are a strategic step in the typical process of Christianization. Christianization begins before establishments arise and continue after they are formed. Paul preaches the Gospel throughout the Empire until at last the movement overtakes the Emperor – several generations later. But at the time of Constantine, while Christianity was on the rise, there was much work yet to be done. And so the magistrates became promoters and patrons of the true Gospel. They became, in the words of Isaiah “nursing fathers” and “nursing mothers” (Isa. 49:23). We in the United States are not at the establishment stage, yet thankfully, we are not at the persecution stage. We can therefore apply the territorial principle more consistently and with greater focus, since Christianity is settled. But Congress does not yet subsidize us. Yet.

Chalmers was also a great manager because he was cognizant of realities on the ground as he developed strategies. We’ve essentially addressed that in the previous essay. But a further point is in order. One cannot help but observe the very language of ‘experiment’ that Chalmers used for the efforts that he undertook and advocated. He believed that there were certain tried and true principles that could be effectively implemented when thoughtfully applied in new contexts. Furgol points out that Chalmers, before commencing the St. John’s experiment, conducted an “extensive analysis of the mechanics of poverty and its relief” before implementing his scheme (127). He became well versed in the realities of things before applying principles. Now, perhaps Chalmers read more success into his experiments than others would allow. But the point is that strategies are timeless principles manifested in particular situations.

In addition to being a visionary and a practical, strategy-making and executing worker, Chalmers was a great manager of human resources. Perhaps what Chalmers did best was preach. Hands down, many might say. But his ability to recruit, delegate, train, supervise, and inspire people – that is, to manage them – must come in a close second.

Successful people know how to surround themselves with other successful people and to use their unique gifts. So with Chalmers. Says Maciver, “Part of his flair lay in an ability to recruit able and dedicated aides” (93). And “organization was not to be haphazard” either (89). People work best in structures. Concrete plans were drawn up for the Church Extension campaign, significantly mirroring the organizational model of the Bible Societies. Perhaps the world-wisdom of his business and industrialist friends also rubbed off on him.

From the inner circle and within the preconceived structures, Chalmers led the people. Average, yet not unimportant members of the Kirk throughout the land were sought out and used. In the Church Extension campaign, He “emphasized the local factor, the legacy of his poor relief experiment, again and again, and was anxious to devolve local organization ever downwards” (89).

Referring to the St. John’s experiment early on in Chalmers’ career, Cheyne points out how vital the non-ordained ‘ministry’ was to the success of Christian home mission:

The scheme was more than just a successful exercise in the delegation of duties and the deepening of Christian fellowship. It also pioneered what would now be called the training of the laity; for the congregation of St. John’s learned to regard itself as being less an assemblage of hearers than a body of workers, its mission to the parish planned and directed by the clergy but managed and carried through by a subordinate band of elders, deacons, Sunday and day school teachers, and others – the NCOs, as it were, of a Christian army (17).

So from beginning to end, Chalmers was interested in a popular Kirk, a Kirk of the people. I cannot help but ask here, to what degree was Chalmers paving way for the heightened lay activity so characteristic of the late 19th and 20th centuries? Though an old school establishmentarian with a high view of the ordained ministry, did Chalmers further the increased democratization of the Church?

Chalmers also artfully and efficiently managed his peer relationships. He courted MPs, made alliances in the business world, and strove to cooperate with clergyman outside the established Church. Equals were not a threat to him, but a resource. And in the interests of Christianization, collaboration – not competition – was the rule.

On this point, I can’t help but answer for Chalmers as I read the following criticism made by Dr. John Lee, a contemporary of his within the Kirk. He thought that the Church Extension campaign, built on the territorial principle, turned a blind eye to harsh realities. Chalmers could not transpose the model of the rural Anstruther parish into Edinburgh, precisely because the slums of Edinburgh were nothing but a “perpetual fluctuation of inhabitants on whom no impression could be made” (91). In other words, you visit them once, and they’re gone forever the next week. Those with any experience in the inner city will see that some things don’t change.

But I would suggest that the comity principle here comes to the aid of the territorial. By applying the territorial principle throughout the land, a resident leaves one parish only to land in another. Even if the individual leaves no notice of his move to another district, in Chalmers’ ideal he will probably come under the influence of another Christian minister in his regular visitations. And, true, even if this ideal ‘parish patchwork’ didn’t exist in a land, still the seed sown shall not return void! A territorial minister is always sowing seed. Sometimes that seed takes flight and lands somewhere else, only to yield fruit that the faithful minister never sees.

Chalmers, as a shrewd steward, also made friends with the mammon of unrighteousness. He was so successful in his fundraising efforts for Church Extension, that the Free Church inherited a well-oiled machine at its exodus from the establishment. But it was not enough to raise money. It had to be managed wisely. This is especially clear in his poor relief model. Only the worthy poor were to receive benevolence. Consequently, the office of deacon was resurrected in the St. John’s experiment to distribute the hard-earned money of those who wished to show intelligent charity.

Then there was his concern for time management. When he came to the Tron in Glasgow, he devolved as many clerical responsibilities in the civic arena to laymen. According to Furgol, this was an instance of Chalmers’ adherence to Adam Smith’s principle of the division [specialization?] of labor. She quotes Chalmers who wrote at the time,

I know of instances where a clergyman has been called from the country to town for his talent at preaching; and when he got there, they so be-laboured him with the drudgery of their institutions, that they smothered and extinguished the very talent for which they had adopted him. The purity and independence of the clerical office are not sufficiently respected in great towns. . . . He comes among them a clergyman, and they make a mere churchwarden of him. . . . It shall be my unceasing endeavor to get all the work shifted upon the laymen (126).

This also reveals that while Chalmers was a believer in churchmen following managerial principles, yet he remained firmly convinced that ministers ought not to contaminate their spiritual office by the mundane.

The last thing I’d like to mention in the example of Chalmers as a model Church manager is his habitual re-investment of resources into bigger projects on bigger and broader scales. Maciver observes:

It is likely that Chalmers saw the ‘principle of locality’, enshrined in his widely-publicised St. John’s parish scheme of the previous decade, being given new life through a national Extension project that sought to combine local effort with the aid of a central fund raised by subscription to help poorer or weaker parishes. The ultimate stimulus would be provided by state grants in the form of an annual endowment of the ministers’ stipends in the new missionary and territorial churches (88).

The Extension campaign brought out to their fullest extent Chalmers’ gifts of inspired leadership and sheer organizing ability. . . Possibly he had absorbed lessons from the problems of his social experiment in Glasgow, for he stressed now the necessity of organizing local efforts on a national scale, explaining to his lieutenant, William Collins, the publisher, that ‘what I particularly wish is to combine a wise general superintendence on the one hand with an entire and intense local feeling in each separate town and district for its own local necessities on the other’ (89).

Retool and re-deploy! He could not stop until the vision had been realized. First, St. John’s, then Church Extension. And even after the Disruption, he would not leave off. So began the West Port experiment.

My only regret with Maciver’s essay “Chalmers as a ‘Manager’ of the Church” is that he only treated his management on the national ecclesiastical level – on the ‘macro’ and not the ‘micro.’ A parallel survey of the St. John’s and West Port experiments with his management of the Church Extension campaign would have been even more fascinating.

With this survey behind us, there are some good lessons to be learned for Christians of all types. But I think that there are special lessons here for modern-day pastors.

First, while pastors should not view themselves as religious CEOs, yet Reformed pastors are in the people business. And in that business, we simply have to manage. We must possess and instill vision. We must set concrete goals. We must devise faithful means to achieve them. We must husband, cultivate, and utilize our people. And we must, in prayerful dependence on the Spirit, wait for the harvest.

Our Lord will one day come and demand an account of us. How we have managed the resources, and particularly the human resources, that He has entrusted to us? Will He judge us wise and faithful stewards? Or, literally in the Greek, ‘economists’ (oikonomoi)? Will we return His own with interest, five or tenfold? Or will we, under the name of being ‘faithful’ return His solitary coin? While we must not accede to the consumer-driven culture, we ought not to abandon wholesale the ‘business model’ in the church. To do so is grave infidelity and will not go unpunished. “Cast ye the unprofitable [or, ‘useless’] servant into outer darkness: there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth” (Matt. 25:26).

As an aside, I find it profoundly interesting that Chalmers attacks those who would subject the witness of the Church to the free trade doctrine; and yet he was an expert administrator whose example would inspire seasoned entrepreneurs. He promoted a managed, central economy in terms the witness of the Gospel: he was a believer in state-subsidized establishments. But he ran the St. John’s and West Port experiments like one would run a successful business, and reported these success stories to provoke a holy emulation and, yes, a holy competition! Selah.

Second, our ‘practical pietist’ appreciated the sanctity of fundraising. Perhaps we in the Reformed community today have been so negatively affected by Pentecostal health and wealth charlatans that we have thrown the proverbial baby out with the bathwater. Chalmers imitated the Apostle Paul who went from church to church, taking up collections (1 Cor. 16:1-3) and even preaching a rich, biblical theology of benevolence (2 Cor. 8 & 9) to rally the cause. And just like the apostle, Chalmers did this, not to line his wallet or that of his ministerial colleagues, but he did it in the interests of the poor (Gal. 2:10).

Third, Chalmers was a high churchman. (Not a high-church man, but a high churchman.) Chalmers believed that Christ had established the visible Church not only as an organism, but also as an organization. It has, since the institution of Christ in the days of His flesh, been the great vehicle of Christian good throughout the world. In a day when ‘institutional religion’ is disparaged, we need to rediscover the glory of being in this great organization, which is very much visible.

Fourth, Chalmers’ example, in point of fact cautions ministers not to get too managerial. He delegated and devolved responsibilities to free him to focus on the spiritual duties of the ministry. While he was a profoundly efficient manager, yet he was no believer in the ‘minister-CEO,’ to use an anachronism. Chalmers was a preacher first and foremost. Crowds thronged to hear him, from aristocrats and MPs to the common people. William Wilberforce even climbed through a window to hear Chalmers preach in a packed hall. Preaching is the great business of a minister. It remains the greatest means for changing men, for changing culture. That was Chalmers’ conviction.

And even if Chalmers himself was not his whole career a full-time pastor – the responsibilities of his theological professorships and denominational leadership occupied the bulk of his professional life – yet what he inculcated in students and ministers was a very high standard of pastoral self-consciousness. After preaching in the pulpit, the man of God must descend to work among the people.  M’Cheyne, the Bonars, and many other students of his devoted hours upon hours during the week to house-to-house visitation, most of which was specifically evangelistic. This is hardly the picture of a pastor-CEO behind his desk reviewing balance sheets and organizing programs.

In sum, I think Chalmers patterns three basic ideals. First, we must keep the managerial element of the pastoral office in view and not let it fall by the way in a retreat from the pastor-CEO idolatry of today. Second, we must cultivate that managerial dimension of our pastoral office to the best of our abilities. To give our Lord less is to subject Him to a great dishonor. But third, we must keep the managerial element in biblical proportion with the other, indeed the prime elements. “It is not reason that we should leave the word of God, and serve tables. . . but we will give ourselves continually to prayer, and to the ministry of the word” (Acts 6:2, 4).

[Go to Part 3]